This article deals with the travels of Giullaume M. Alias Willem Lodewycksz./Lodewyx. aboard the Amsterdam on a sea journey to the East Indies, aboard one of four ships. The other three were the Mauritius, Hollandia and Duijfken, accompied by a smeller vessel named Pinas, with a total crew of 249 men, at the end of the Sixteenth Century. (Texel, 1 April 1595 - Amsterdam, 14 August 1597)
The First Sea Voyage of the Dutch towards The East-Indies under Cornelis de Houtman 1595-1597
Image left: introductory map: Printed in Amstelrerdam, by Cornelis Claesz. on water (at sea?) in the notebook, 1598. Journals, documents and other records published and clarified by G.P.Rouffaer and J.W.IJzerman, Part I: The First Book, by Willem Lodewycksz; with frontispiece, two portraits, eight maps and 47 illustrations (engravings); The Hague, Martinus Nijhoff 1915; (total of three) Books published by the "Linschoten-Vereeniging" (Linschoten Foundation)
The sea voyage recounted below concerns the period these ships found themselves in Balinese waters, covering chapters 41-43 (party), pages 189-205. After a long journey around Africa, Madagascar towards Indonesia, the ships anchored at Pangpang Baai, Blambangan, East Java on 22 January 1597. They left for Bali and came ashore the Tukad Loloan (river) in present-day Jembrana, Bali and sailed on to Labuhan Kuta and came ashore on 28 January 1597. They sailed around Tafelhoek, present-day Bukit, and went north to Pantai Timur (probably Sanur) and some time later continued further to the northeast to Labuhan Amuk, near Gili Tepekong, with a good view of Nusa Penida. It lay there from 9-21 February. It sailed away from Bali along the north coast of Nusa Penida, around 'Varkenshoek' (Tandjoeng Mebulu), present-day Bukit, and sailed further to the west in the direction of Java, leaving Bali behind.
Notes by Rouffaer & IJzerman
This travel journal by Willem Lodewycksz is presented and commented on by ethnographer G.P.Rouffaer and engineer and archaeologist J.W.IJzerman. Although the comments made by these two men were intended as succint hints at clarifying and illustrating Lodwycksz' account, the notes they produced are often lengthy yet helpful explanations to understanding the historical events, and - not unimportantly - at grasping Sixteenth Century Dutch. Rouffaer and IJzerman published the journals in 1915, and commented on Lodwycksz' travel journal using their own language: Dutch of the early Twentieth Century. The English translation of below chapters is, therefore, somewhat of a challenge and under revision. Rouffaer and IJzerman's comments are succinct, to the point and at times even bafflingly direct. At some instances, it seems Lodewycksz has produced a rather biased account, and it would appear that, in the eyes of Rouffaer and IJzerman, he had little idea what he was talking about. Examples: (Comments on Plate 41:) "This is fantasy. The 'white buffaloes' (water buffaloes), are in fact Dutch cows; the "Royal palanquin" is a Dutch cart; the low-seated "King of Bali" with the high-seated payung-bearer behind him, is little but nonsense. On Chapter 42, note 3, Rouffaer & IJzerman write: "The mystification of Valentyn ("Description of Bali": III, 2, 1726, fol.252-259, with map), does not count here; this is forgery of the worst kind."
Below travel journal of the Dutch fleet 1595-1597, where it concerns contacts with Bali in 1597, is given in its entire length to do justice to the historical importance of the adventures of the 249 seamen. Purportedly, it was the first ever-recorded travel journal in colonial history and therefore merits full quotation. Historian Rodolfo A. Giambelli has already quoted from these records in his historical analysis (elsewhere on this site), but in the author's eyes, it is worth while examining Lodewycksz' entire story in detail as it gives many interesting details on, among others subjects, Nusa Penida (notes Rouffaer & IJzerman).
Lodewycksz' gives details on the inhabitants of Bali, the King of Bali (1579) by the name of Radja Gadjah ("Rajagaia"), and the way he was transported, the fruits, the animals, weaving etc. Another reason these chapters are quoted is the geological similarity of Blambangan, Bukit and Nusa Penida, all of them being karst landscapes.
Both the English translation and Indonesian (geographical) names by the author Godi Dijkman is rendered into modern English and Indonesian respectively. Lodewycksz' and Rouffaer/IJzerman's original text is not published here to enhance readability.
Image above: Frontispiece. Painting by Hendrik Cornelisz. Vroom from around 1615, Rijksmuseum, nr.2606: The arrival of the ship at home, aboard which Houtman undertook his first voyage to the East Indies, August 1597: non-authentic, cf. Cap.43, note 30 (in the front, before title).
Images above: title page of book: Portrait of Cornelis de Houtman (after the transparent colour drawing at the Stedelijk Museum in Gouda); non-authentic. With added signature from the State-Archives (behind XXIV). Portrait of Frederick de Houtman (after the cartouche on a painting in the Nederlandsch Museum voor Geschiedenis en Kunst (Rijksmuseum) nr.83: Bird's-eye view of Amboina, 1617. AETATIS SUAE 46.1617). With added signature from the State-Archives (behind XXVI).
Chapter 41: How they arrived at the Island of Bali, and what happened there
We were sailing close to the wind, as the wind was blowing from the southeast, as is the case the entire year, and since the currents were strongly heading our way from a southeasternly direction, in the afternoon we cast anchor at some 24 meters depth [13 'vademen' = 13x6 foot]. On that day, after the wind turned favourable and we had spoken to a number of natives who told us that not far from there was a river, and that we could replenish our reserves in every way, we lifted our anchors and continued on foot towards the river and cast our anchor in nearly 13 metres (seven fathoms) depth.
Note 1): At the mouth of the (river) Tukad Lolohan, the main river of the subdistrict of Djembrana, called Tukad Prancak at its lower reaches, at the kampung with that name, and at Tanjung Prancak. - The fact that the east-southeast wind "here blows the entire year" is, of course not true, but that the south-eastern monsoon on 26 January 1597 persisted on Bali's south coast, is not uncommon; the regular north-western monsoon months, with heavy rains, along the south coasts of the Small Sunda Island are February and March, possibly including December, January and April. As appears from IV (Map IV, Chapter Four?), the "west winds... with raging storms" started only on 27 January (?).
Shortly afterwards, we received a visit from (people on) a proa, who said they wished us nothing but good, and that we all should be able to beget both victuals as well as water, and as we wanted to be assured of this (as we had been conned often times) the following day we sent over the Pinas accompanied by a boat, and found a shallow river, which (as there was a bank in front of the mouth of the river) they would have been able to reach with difficulty with an empty boat. On the river there was a small village of approximately 60 houses, where the inhabitants were mostly occupied with weaving cotton clothes, at which they are very good, and which they make of various sorts and colours, with which they supply the surrounding islands...
Note 2): This village is Prancak. The statement on weaving is, of course, valid for the whole of Bali. It concerns the (Malaysian) Kain Bali, for the first time described in detail in a Dutch note dated November 1603 regarding the trade in 'lijnwaad' in the East Indies (...), as rather cheap cotton cloths, partly plain white, or plain red, or plain black, also "garish of many sorts", traded by especially "the Javanese when travelling to Banda or Seram". The plain white cloths were called Kain Madoera-Bali, or short "Maduras". Usually, these cloths were bought and in pairs (Javanese: kebar), as they were "sewn together 'overbreets' and worn that way"; the established length was 1 1/2 vadem = ca.2.25m, the (double) width approximately 5 span = ca.1.06m; they were real kain panjang according to the "Malay trend" (cara Melayu). IV also mentions that "one of the midshipmen" of the Hollandia, who on 26 January 1697 went ashore at Prancak (on board the "boat" mentioned by L.), at night "he brought with him aboard a lively young deer, as big as a hare", surely a dwarf deer, Javanese Kancil. Altough V.d. Tuuk (i.v.) (Kawi-Nalin.-Ned Wdb. II, 1899, p.323b) mentions that this deer does not live in Bali but on Lombok. This fragile little animal surely must have died soon afterwards, as it is not mentioned by anyone else.
Image above: Map IV, Java (p.96a)
(p.189/190) (Margin: Where they traded) Moluccas, Ambon, Banda, and near Java, Bantam, Sunda and Sumatra. Many inhabitants came aboard our ship from the same river, as many people were ready to relieve the city of Ballabuam [Blambangan].
(Margin: December 3) 27.) On December 27 3) we hauled down the sails at a large cape, which from a distance appeared to be an island 4). We wanted to sail through and this alleged island, but with the passing days, we cast our anchors in some 7 fathoms (46m) deep black sand in a large bight. 5)
Note 3: Read: January; in text and margin. The final parts of Lodewycksz' First Book has been printed badly, as from about p.59 (...). Perhaps the approaching departure from L. to the coast of Guinea in the autumn of 1598 was the cause (...); or perhaps and more likely, the endeavours of the Amsterdam-based publisher Cornelis Claesz. to outwit the publisher Barent Langhenes from Middelburg, who published the second edition of The Story (I) in the form of the "Journal" (II) in the spring of 1598. Favourable to latter argument is that Corn. Claesz also omitted the "Caertgien van Iava ende Sumatra" ("Map of Java and Sumatra"), which he announced beforehand (...).
Note 4: The southern peninsula of Bali, present day "Tafelhoek", an elongated plateau-ridge with mountaintops of some 166m (west) & 224m (middle) and 159m (east). So-called "watering (?)", i.e. mountainous areas, which from afar appear to be islands, is a well-known optical illusion at sea; Note 5: The bend to the northwest side of Tafelhoek, Labuhan Kuta or "City Anchorage", named after Kuta, which is situated to the east, in itself situated to the southwest of Denpasar (i.e. "North of the Market", Javanese Loring Pasar). Kuta "the City", at those times was South Bali's capital, and the residence of the Governor of the subdistrict, which nowadays is called Badung. It was surely also the "Market" (pasar), which gave its name to Denpasar. Compare on the remainder on Bali's southwest and southeast coast, and the enounters with kings and heads: IV: and most importantly (from autopsy?) VIII regarding the eight days from 9-16 February 1597.
(Margin: December 3.29 = 29 January) On the 29th, people from a proa arrived on board, and they asked us where we were from, what we wanted, and where we were headed, and if we had come from the Moluccan islands, to which our answer was no. We also told them that we were planning to take in water and provisions. They pointed eastwards and then sailed landwards. The following morning, another prao came to our ship, and were offered fruit and ducks, for which we paid them a few 'Reals' and a number of other things. That evening, people from another proa came aboard, who passed on a message that The King wished to know where we were from, the answer to which he wanted in writing, which we sent him forthwith, and told him that we were from Holland, and that we intended to act in friendship, and wished to buy refreshments and water, at which the men departed. These men came to the ship with more praos the following day.
(Margin: February 1.) On the first of February, we lifted our anchors, and set sail in a direction so as to arrive on Bali by an angle 6), but given the sharper winds that blew that day we cast our anchors once more. Again, many more proas came to our ship, with many more strange fruits and ducks. The weather was really bad, and we marvelled at the fact that these islanders had the courage to go out at sea with those heavy winds in such small proas.
Image above: Map VIII Outline map by C.Craandijk (at the back, unfolding)
Note 6: Today's "Varkenshoek", the old Port of Cabo dos Porcos (see Map V, corrupt: C. de porcus; and compare 1 February here aboard the Hollandia, on how we received two pigs, with I, II and IV); Balinese Tanjung Mebulu or the "Haired Cape", also just Malayan for Bukit or "Hill"; indeed, "high and steep land " as IV says. Lodewycksz confuses this later in A Port-Sp. "Cabo dos Puercos".
(Margin: 2 February) On the second of February, three hours before dawn, we lifted our anchors to sail around the cape, but as the winds grew stronger and stronger, and as beating up against the wind and the currents was not going to work, we were forced once more to cast our anchors at some 25 fathoms (46m). Here, we noticed the burning Mount Panarukan, emitting huge fumes 7) and smoke, and the straight to the north so we could not find our way across. We experienced fierce winds from the south, so that the anchor broke, but (we) immediately dropped another anchor.
Note 7: De facto: vortex (compare: plunge); and also: fumes (compare: clammy, moist, dank). For this reason, here: steam clouds. The fact that on 2 February 1597, from the 'Varkenshoek', " the burning Mount Panarucam" was seen to be steaming and fuming forcefully, proves abundantly that the Raoen Volcano, and not the Ringgit, was the volcano in question (...), as from here the Raun-Ijen Massive totally covered the Ringgit, whereas Lodwycksz' extensive landfalls were pictured accurately: the (burning) Raun (left), the Ijen (middle), the Mount Rante (?2618m; right), and also the closed Bali Straits and finally Bali's western-most mountain areas. Utterly correctly, IV lost the confusing name Mount Panarucan (...), a name borrowed from Portuguese, and IV mentions that on 25 January 1597 aboard the Hollandia, in conformity with L. on p.188, note 46: "...we noticed a very high mountain on the island of Java, close to the city of "Balamboam [sic] [=Blambangan]" emitting a terrifyingly huge chain of smoke".
The next day, 3 February, we lifted our anchors, and sailed around the "t Verkens hooft" 8). The Hollandia, however, which had departed too late and was cuaght in showers of rain, wasn't able to line itself, and once more cast its anchors. As we got stuck, around the 'Bukit', we got ashore before empty land, close to two cliffs in front of us, and spotted various fishermen there. Once again found ourselves in a straight or narrow end 9), where Fransic Drake had once passed 10), when he circumnavigated the entire globe. We landed, with the Pinas close to a bay 11) as we suspected there was a river, but what we found was nothing but empty land, consisting of small rivers and banks on either side, so that very little fresh water emerged. Here we cast our anchors to await the arrival of our other ship that hadn't yet managed to make it around the corner, as said before. Two islanders visited them on board, and they brought various fruits, whilst trying their utmoast to pass round the Cape (to reach us).
Note 8: And because of a bet placed by "strapper" Jacob Dircksz., the former helms man of the Amsterdam (...), they would sail and conquer this corner "for 3 coins or 4 reals"; "by which, as some had it, the ship [i.e. the Mauritius] was "put at great risk for this amount of money". So IV after all; Note 9: The wide Badung Strait, between South Bali and Nusa Penida or the "Pamor Island" (name after the kampung of Penida, on the west; compare: concerning Balinese Panida V.d. Tuuk's Kawi-Balin.-Ned/ Wdb. IV (1912), p.19; and refer to Chapter 42, note 19 about the older name "Pulau Rusa). - The "two cliffs" which they sailed past shortly before, are the "Brothers", Malayan-Javanese Nusa Dua, on the northeast of the "Tafelhoek" (Bukit); Note 10: Not true. In February 1580, Drake passed between Timor-Roti and Sawu-Sumba and visited Java in March at Cilacap and the Tyi Donan (indeed, at the "Raja Donan, the chiefe king of the whole land"), but by no means Bali. Drake's rather unclear travel account in the Dutch translation by Eman(uel) van Meeteren (Amstelredam, Corn.Cklaesz, 1598), is the cause of this mistake. Compare the more elaborate account of this world voyage, Nov.1577 -Sept.1580, in the edition no.16 of the Hakluyt Society "The World encompassed", ed. W.S.W. Vaux, London 1854, p.159-161, and (reprinted from the English (1600) by Hakluyt) ibidem p.250. This being a correction of what has been said in Dr.F.de Haan's Priangan II (1911), p.790; and refer to Tiele in Bijdr. Kon.Inst. 4e reeks, V (1881), p.165-166; Note 11) Pantai Timur, "eastern beach", the largest bay beset by reefs on Bali's southeast point, which currently (1913) is being 'normalised' into a good harbour [probably Sanur, GD].
Both plates [above] are one and the same, and offer a view to Volcano Raun from the Mauritius to Labuhan Kuta on 2 February 1597, north of the "Varkenshoeck", in the district of Denpasar, South Bali; see p.191, note 7. Left on the above plate, painted here is Raun (not "burning" as on p.182, 2nd plate). Next is the southwest and southeast Ijen Mountain Range. Probably, the receding mountain behind the Raun (3330m) is Gunung Suket (2948m). Next, there is the peak of the closeby Gunung Campit (2338m), the broad mountain Gunung Rante (2618m) close to the front, with jagged mountain tops, which at the same time closes off the southeastern Ijen Plateau. After this, follows the Bali Straight. Next is the long lower mountain range, which on Bali separates districts Jembrana from Northwest Buleleng, whereby the peak, on the right in the second plate, probably is the Gunung Merbuk (1800m). ["Landfalls" p.247, note 23 concerning the image on p.192]
On 4 February, we came ashore to ask some of the inhabitants to show us a waterhole. Once ashore, we noticed many islanders, who seemingly had been to a market, bearing the goods which they had gotten from there. They herded flocks of cattle along the beach. We also noticed many inhabitants on horseback running along the beach. Another person was carried upon a barrow by his four slaves, and he made them carry approximately 20 long spears, with long cotton tassels attached to it, red and white. I sent over a midshipman 12) to him to send over one of his people to show us a water hole. He sent us some fruit, and requested to have one or our men, a request which was granted, at which he gave two of his men, promising to come ashore and meet the following day.
Note 12: At this stage, Willem Lodewycksz, being the under-commisionary (?) aboard the Mauritius, second only to Cornelis de Houtman, sent over "a man" - i.e. midshipman Emanuel Rodenburch - to go ashore, accompanied by the Portuguese slave/interpreter "Jan" or "Juan" (de facto: João), aqcquired at Bantam, refer to IV. The "other one of our people", a little further in Lodewycksz' story, is the interpreter.
(Margin: 5 February) On the fifth, we lifted our anchors and sailed a little more towards the north, and steered the ship to land to retrieve our people, and the slaves with them. When we arrived there, the head didn't want to let go of our people, altough we had let go of his folk, because we had sailed away, and anchored outside his domain. However, after many promises, one of the men 13) boarded the ship "door de barninge", and told us that the man who had been carried over the day before, was one of the Highest of the Land. He also told us that he had taken offence that we had sailed away that morning, and that they had also kept with them a Portuguese slave, whom we had sent as translator, with whom he travelled the following day to the King in the magnificent palace in the city of Bali 14). Our man 13) wrote from there to the ship Hollandia on the way he and the slave had been received with the King, and well-understood they also sent a man 15) ashore "om alles bescheyt te hebben".
When we saw that our man and the slave was carried on land, we sailed along the coast to catch one or two inlanders, and at the same time two proas with people boarded the ship, carrying with them victuals, which we kept, and we sent a sign to our ship that (...) who immediately came aboard. We sent him ashore to convey a message to the King of the success, and that we wouldn't let go of this man before we would have found a waterhole to the north, which (according to our prisoners) had to be there. When we arrived there on 9th of February, it proved to be a beautiful bay 16) "in manieren alsmen hier sien mach", where a small river streamed. Here, we took in our daily portion of water.
Note 16: This is not the small 'pocket-formed' Padang-baai as we see it today, near the village of this name, but a large bay just northeast of this, which nowadays is called Labuhan Amuk, indicated as "Doodslagers-reede", after an unknown catastrophe of later date. The inhabitants of those days called it Padang-baai, as becomes apparent from Lodewycksz' following "Padan" and "Padanh" in the landfalls on p.194. The Portughuese named it Bahia Formosa or "Bautiful Bay" ("Baya Formosa", II and IV), whilst Cornelis Gerritsz. van Zuydtlant called it "Balij of Jonck Hollant" in Appendix (1598) on II. In those times, it was the harbour for all foreigners (Javanese and others) who came to Bali to trade. - The "Small rivulet" in this bay is the most western of the two, mentioned in note 14 mentioned map of 1909. Refer to W.O.J. Nieuwenkamp's "Bali en Lombok", III, 1910, p.180 for an image of both bays coming together, i.e. "De Padang-baai in Karangasem" (seen from the west-south-west) and cf. map p.201. For the "Tafelhoek" (see note 4-6) refer to his map on p.169 and sketch of the steep cliffs p.177.
We wrote a letter to the Hollandia asking them to join us, as here we received all "lijftocht" and provisions, big and small livestock and various fruits. The shipmen aboard the Hollandia could not make it around the southern peninsula "Verckens hoeck", and given the King's request therupon landed in a bay 17), as they were notified (aengedient) they would get water. They sent the King a cloth of 20 yeards (some 18m) floral patterend velvet, red coral, crystal glasses, mirrors and some other goods. His man returned with our slave 18), and told us how festively he had been welcomed by the King, and how the King had gone to great lengths to be at our disposal, and how he promised to send water and all kinds of provisions. So first he sent over four pigs and two barrels of water. The inhabitants told us that they had not seen 'such folk' in 18 years, who were able to mend a rope, which had been cut into five or six pieces. We suspected it might have been Franciscus Dracus 19).
Note 17: So they came ashore at Labuhan Kuta before reaching their destination (see note 5 and 15); Note 18: As appears from IV, Van Caerden (see note 15) returned aboard the Hollandia with "Jan, the Portuguese slave" on 8 February, whilst Rodenburg remained on land. The same day, Van Caerden and Jan went back ashore the same day; Note 19: This cannot have been Drake (see note 10), but surely a Portuguese ship, probably the same, which VIII refers to on 11 February, relating the story of how a Balinese "Nobleman" told Lintgensz, "that some 10 to 12 years ago, a Portuguese ship arrived near the Varckenshoeck to establish a fortress [=Sp.fortaleza] on the island of Bali, but the ship stranded, and most of the crew died. Of the crew, five men were still in Bali, dressed like the Balinese themselves." Compare Lintgensz' print and story by P.A.Leupe, in Bijdr. Kon.Inst. 2e series, I (1856), p.125. - This would mean approximately 1585, at the time of captain João da Silva from Malaka, 1584-1588 (?), having under his command the courageous admiral D. Paulo de Lima Pereira, who - to be exact - in August 1587 chastised and expelled the Sultan of Johor. For the presence of the Portuguese on Bali in 1580, refer to Chapter 42, note 1.
Image above: Plate 40. The plate shows how the noblemen from Bali were carried by slaves (on their shoulders), as they went to court and inland 1), on a roofed palanquin or or barrow, named after the thick bamboo poles, which they carried very deftly, as there were many of these carriers, who continuously changed position and rested, which also goes for the guards halbardiers in the front and at the rear with their many spears, spades 2) and shields, on foot as well as on horseback, and the women who carried after him his betelnut chests and water pots.
(Margin: How the King came to the beach on a chariot.) The King arrived at the beach 20) on a chariot, beautifully carved, pulled by two white buffaloes, draped with splendid cloths, preceded by his guard, with long spears and spades with golden points, which were to be seen afterwards (as well?). He wished to receive an honoury salvo of cannon fire (?), and this wish was granted. The other day he sent us four more barrels of water. We sent a letter 21) over land, requesting the Hollandia to join us immediately, as we were harboured at a very convenient spot and we were able to get sufficient supplies in order to get ourselves ready for the journey home. We also sent over the Pinas to show the ship the correct directions to our present harbouring place. Our man departed from the King on horseback to the bay in question, called "Padan", with two oxen granted to him by the King.
Noot 20: This is: Labuhan Kuta, and on 9 February Van der Does (IV), who was present during all this aboard the Hollandia, has reported on this much more elaborately and precisely than Lodewycksz, who aboard the Mauritius found himself on the easterly shores of Bali at a distance of around 25km (as the crow flies). - As become apparent from IV, Van Caerden returned aboard the Hollandia the same day, and that evening in his place midshipman (and "Mennist") Aernout Lintgensz was sent ashore. It is here that VIII starts, the Lintgensz' Story, of what happened on Bali from 9-16 February 1597, a story recounted later on in Amsterdam for Jan Jansz. Kaerel ("The Old).
Noot 21: Not one, but two Dutch letters, as becomes clear from VIII; one from the Mauritius to the Hollandia, and one from the Mauritius to the King, and Lintgensz op 10 Febr. was made to read both letters aloud to the King in Kuta ("Coutaen"), and afterwards explain these letters with the help of the Poruguese interpreter and slave. This day, Lintgensz went to and fro to the Hollandia at Labuhan Kuta, whilst the King sent Rodenburch on horseback to the Mauritius at Labuhan Amuk over a distance of approximately 25km. And as became clear from VIII, present was also a Malay man "a messenger from the King to pass messages between the ships". Finally, the Hollandia together with the Pinas arrived at the pier (?) at Labuhan Amuk on 16 February.
They related how honestly they had been welcomed by the King, and had been treated very well. We also sent over the three "hostages" 22) ashore, after they had been paid in full for their victuals, which they had brought to the ship. After having paid due respect, they carried them ashore. The crew aboard the Leeuw, understanding we were located in such a favourable place, lifted their anchors and sailed around the south to appear north of "the corner". (We) also saw the Pinas approaching, which hadn't been able to come around ("dobbleren") the 'Verckens hooft' before the 12th of February. After they had reached this point after much patience and trouble, sailing along the coast, they finally arrived on the 16th of February and cast their anchors at some 46m depth (?). We went onboard the ship, and reached land to assisted them with taking in water supplies, as we had already taken in our rations, for we would have sailed in the opposite direction, if they had not arrived with us that day.
Note 1: Middle Dutch for "through the land". Compare the caption to Plate 14, and note 2; Note 2: Blowpipes. Compare caption to following Plate. - Plate 40 is all but fantasy. The unknown "spades" in the Dutch copper engravings are missing. Only the palaquin is plausible.
Plate 41. Here, you see the "counterfeits" (?) of the King of Bali, who showed us much friendship, seated on his royal palanquin, pulled by two white buffaloes, his guards bearing pikes with guilded points, and also his "spuyten" or spades blowing small arrows, of which we became aware on the 2nd of November last 1), as we were engaged in a skirmish with him, and as a result of which nine of our men were injured 2).
Note 1: Rather: 2 November 1596, on the Bantam quay, by members of Bandjarmasin; refer to end of Chapter 18 and Chapter 24, note 3. - From the "last" becomes apparent that at least a part of the plates by Lodewijcksz' "Eerste Boeck" (First Book) were already at hand by September-October 1597 engraved in copper, while the text was only availble and ready by the first months of 1598. Probably, these 'fantasised' plates like this one, were produced before this date; Note 2: This plate is fantasy. The "white buffaloes" (water buffaloes), are in fact Dutch cows; the "Royal palanquin" is a Dutch cart; the low-seated "King of Bali", with the high-seated payung-bearer behind him, is little but nonsense.
Chapter 42: Descriptions of Bali
Note 1: What is special about this chapter is that these journals comprise the first ever written consecutive report of the island of Bali from a European point of view. In no other Portuguese colonial source from before 1598, there is anything on Bali, i.e. no more than just a 'naked' reference, despite the fact that the Portuguese (compare Chapter 41, note 19) endeavoured to establish a fortress in South Bali in about 1585. The only person who attempted to mention details on Bali, is Godinho de Eredia in his Informacão da Aurea Chersoneso of 1599 (ed. Caminha, Lisbon 1807, p.143-145), referring to Portuguese information on Bali in 1580, particularly of "a Christian, named Paulus from Bali, page to mentioned King [of Bali]", whose name is mentioned in detail: Radja Gadjah ("Rajagaia"), a "descendant from the royal family of Blambangan". The island lies, as Eredia states, on 8° southern latitude, "between Blambangan and Bima". That's all (taking into account the fantasised parts), even in 1599! Still, the Portuguese must have known more details, in particular the northern contours, as appears apparent from map V by Lodewycksz, derived from the Portuguese, as the Dutch ships had not seen anything on the north coast, apart from "Duiveneiland". - Erroneously mentioned: Chapter 41.
(Margin: At what height Bali is situated.) The island of Bali is situated east of Java, on its northern corner, eight and a half degree high south of the "Linie", around 12 'German miles' (around 89m) large. It is very mountanous on the north, reaching across along a long and high corner to the south very deeply into the sea 2). It is very populous, mosty black people with curly hair 3). They have a King, who rules over the island severely. They are heathens 4) and worship whatever comes into their minds in the morning. They are dressed like the people in Java and surrounding islands. (Margin: Its conditions)
Note 2: Indeed, Bali lies between 8° 4' southern latitude (the "Northern Corner" = T.Bungkulan, i.e. "Round Cape"), and 8° 51' southern latitude (the "long high corner " = "Tafelhoeck Higland Plateau"; compare Chapter 41, note 4). The circumference is, roughly taken, 400km, so about 52 German geographical miles (cf. Chapter I, note 2), and on no account "12".
Note 3: Stated like this, of course, this is nonsense. The true Balinese have shiny straight, blueish-black hair. But it proves, that the "Blacks", whom Lodewycksz himself witnessed boarding thier ships as hostages and messengers from Bali's shores, are all Papua-slaves, who were indeed transported in great numbers to Bali until about 1830. In this respect, it is characteristic that Raffles, in his History of Java, 1817, dl.II, Appendix K ("Account of Bali"), attempted to write his second consecutive description of Bali, after Lodwycksz, and on his accompanying Plate pictured a 'Papua or Native of New Guinea, 10 years old", who, as becomes apparent from the text, "came into my [=Raffles'] service at Bali" (p. CCXXXV, note 1). - The mystification of Valentyn ("Description of Bali": III, 2, 1726, fol.252-259, with map), does not count here; this is forgery of the worst kind. Note 4: Rather: non-Mohammedans, in this case Shiwaites, and only a minor part of them Buddhists. This is still the case today, and surely in former time as well.
They have many women, and therefore the island is densely populated, because even though they sell many people, they make a total of 600.000 inhabitants on the island 5). They mostly occupy themselves with building and weaving 6), as the island offers, amongst other (agricultural) products, much cotton, which are transported there from Sumbawa and other islands in the direct vicinity, (Margin: The fecundity of Bali.), abundant in meat-producing animals, big and small, such as oxen, buffaloes, goats and pigs, and also numerous horses, though they are small like the French horses 7), wich makes them unsuitable to carry an armed man.
Note 5: Presently, Bali and Lombok's population in 1900 is estimated at a total of 1.130.762, and in 1905: at 520.762! These are the mysteries of the most recent Dutch-Indies "census". In 1817, Raffles estimated the number of men in Bali to be 215.000, which would almost coincide with Lodewycksz number of 600.000 in 1597 due to later wars of the eight states; Note 6) "Bouwen" = agriculture. On weaving, see Chapter 41, note 2. Sumbawa is mentioned here as well as exporting country of weft-ikats; probably, it concerns 'Sumbawa-proper', hence West Sumbawa (Mal. Sumbawa Besar or "Groot-Soembawa"; cf. "Groot-Atjeh", and formerly "Groot-Java"); not East Sumbawa or Jav. Bima-Kore. Currently, West Sumbawa is still a centre of the weaving industry, very much like Bali itself; Note 7: Much more like ponies. A word, which most probably is derived from the French puiné (Littré, Dictonnaire, II, 1874, i.v. Peney); and: "Les poneys de France viennet de la Bretagne".
Tiny as they are, they are exported from the island, serving the 'small man' to ride them from one village to the next, as the big Lords have themselves carried by slaves in palanquins or barrows, on the slaves' shoulders, pulled by buffaloes 8). They dispose of abundant quantities of rice, and the King does not allow any of it to be exported out of the island. Instead, each year rice is consumed by the island's numerous inhabitants, and also in its fortresses (situated in the mountains) it is kept for a year in case the rice plantation is hit by a plague, or in case a foreign invasion is to be expected, in order not to be left starving, if the King's lands are destroyed 9), because in the East-Indies rice production takes utmost care.
Noot 8: There is no way of better explaining the different economic situation in Bali compared to Java in around 1600, than by this one fact. On Java, in those times, even the Raja went about "Magnificently on horseback " (as was the case in Sedayu, see Chapter 39, p.168), he was Knight, Chevalier, Caballero; but on Bali, this was for the ordinary folk. The Great had themselves carried in a joli (palanquin), or tansported in a ratha (wagon, de facto a "chariot"). And it was the latter Hindu refinement, which tipifies Bali as an island of wealth in 1600 not just compared to Java, but also to the other Smaller Sunda Island to the east. It was rich in horses and everyone used these animals for personal transport. Domestic wellfare, typical for Bali (and West Lombok) at present, already existed in 1600, perhaps even more affluently. This is the reason for the presence of the Papua slaves in those times (compare note 3). Hence, the Hindu-Javanese civil engineering/architecture and literature found a safe home in Bali, whilst they were 'submerged' by the developments on Java, who saw the arrival of Islam since approximately 1500 and the Dutch by 1650.
Image above: Map VII Lodewycksz' large Map, 1598 (at the back of the cover) showing Sumatra, Java Bali and Pulo Rossa (Nusa Penida), for details of Nusa Penida, see below. Map VII. Large map of Java and Sumatra, by G.M.A.L. = GUILLAUME M... ALIAS [Willem] LODWYCKSZ. in Amsterdam, produced at the beginning of 1598 - with the help of Ds. Petrus Plancius - after mainly Portuguese data, in Batam in 1596, and procured especially by pilot Pedro de Tayde (compare Chapter 19, note 1). With seven vignettes and title plates. Apparently, these were produced too late to be able to be used by the publisher Cornelis Claesz. for the "Maps of Java and Sumatra" following Chapter 18. See note 27; for its preface, p.XIX, en Map IV, note 1.
Note 9: This highly remarkable testimony regarding "fortresses" and rice barns in Bali's mountains around 1600 is all very well but not corroborated by other testimonies. Only this way, we are able to interpret the images on Map V as pure fantasy. The vignette on the right with its seven-fold terrace surely portrays such a fortress. The assailants' "empty lands" were certainly Mohammedan East-Javanese, and perhaps also the Mohammedan Sulu-Celebes (=Sulu-bèsi = "Iron"- Sulu?) pirates.
There are many birds, such as chickens, ducks, wild fowls (?), peacocks, partridges, turtledoves and many more. Fruits on Bali: coconuts in abundant quantities, making up a large part of the inhabitants' livelihood. They produce large quantities of coconut oil, which is very healthy; oranges, lime, lemons grow in the wild, entire bushes of them. There is another fruit, as big as a pear, covered in a thin skin in the form of a chestnut 10), but not as sharp, white on the inside, lovely taste, astrigent and therefore very healthy against scurvy. This fruit can be conserved in sugar and pickel because if unsalted they loose their salty taste, and turn sweet once more. There is another fruit, which grows in the soil, big as a walnut, but harder and very fatty, which they often use in their food 11). There are also small, green and white beans, and furthermore all the fruits from Java. We did not notice any spices on Bali, apart from ginger, which grows in the entire (Dutch) Indies region. We did, however, notice various dry spices, such as kencur, "Deringuo, Canjor, Bague", and others 12).
Note 10: Salaks or "Iron-pigs"; see Chapter 36, note 2, and compare Plate 34; Note 11: Arachis hypogaea L., Balin. and Mal. katjang tanah, our "peanut"; Note 12: Soendanese galinggem, Javanese dringoe, kentjoer, and Hindi bhang. Compare for the latter three respectively Chapter 37, note 2 and 25 and Chapter 21, note 19, sub 5°: Sundanese galinggem is the Bixa Orellana L., the (West Indian) Aploppas, Jav. kasoemba Keling or galoega, which gives a carotenoid-based yellow to orange (food) colouring [and flavour - Annatto, GD].
Bali's Sea and water offers abundant quantities of fish, big and small, which also provide a large part of their livelyhood. They do not, or hardly, go out to sea, but on small proas, with which they sail to the Javanese coast, to trade their cotton "lijnwaet" 13). It is a "gemeyne reede ende uytspanninge" for the ships wanting to sail out to the Moluccas, Bantam, Ambon, Makassar, Timor and Solor. They come ashore here to get all kinds of victual, as they come in great abundance and are cheap "die hier is van alle lijftocht".
Note 13: This testimony concerning the non-seafaring Balinese before 1600 is of great historical importance. The farther the Malay-Polynesians found themselves from their land of origin "Achter-Indië", the less they were inclined to their seafaring adventures. The Malay were most taken by it, the Javanese to a lesser degree, and the East Sunda Islanders were least interested in sailng over great distances. Only the Buginese-Makassarese Ceram-Goram people (who probably sailed out at a later date, and the Sea-Dayaks and the people from Sulu) were carried away by their thirst for sailing adventures to "the Big East", and continued doing so.
(Margin: Of their tradings and acts.) Here they also traded large quantities of cotton cloths, which they transported to the above-mentioned islands, and also when they returned, they arrived (t)here in order to (voorsz.) and they bought their coloured cotton "Lijnwaet", to be sold in Java. When they arrived stealthily in the harbour 14), they bought and sold their trade in many places along the coast, as was considered profitable.
Note 14: Raed: harbours. The "They" first of all refers to the Balinese, and then to the foreign ships sailing to the Moluccas. - With regards to the "Island" Makassar = South-Celebes/Sulawesi, refer to the same on p.118; specifically, compare Map VII. - Regarding what follows, see p.98, dd.2 Nov. 1596.
(Margin: On their weapons) Their weapons consist of long spikes and flamed "Poignaerden", as it is the case in Java, but most of all spades of tubes, from which they blow small thin arrows made of reed, with venom at its end, which are fearsome, because they only have to penetrate two fingers into the flesh, and the pins break (that have been cut in half for this purpose) in the body, aimed at firmly placing themselves there, and tarnished in the inside, which the body is infected by the venom from the inside; the wounds would thus become infected, so that they often would not long live after this. The Indians consider the injuries deadly, despite the fact that nine of our men were hit (leaving the men injured) from an Indian ship, who otherwise "would have suffered because of it", as if they had been made of just reed, a fact which the Indians surprised very much. They also carry shields like the Javanese. The Chinese also visited these parts every now and again, and offered porcelain, which they trade for cotton "lijnwaet". The small "Caxiens" do not come here, as only the large ones do, for which they offered 6,000 for a real of eight, with which they traded all their goods 15).
Image above: Kaart V.: Het Eylandt Bali 1) / Map V: The Island of Bali (p.202a)
Note 1: Of the two adjoined images as cartouches, the left one is clearly the forecourt of a Balinese resepctable house, however insufficient in detail. The most realistic is the second post, the Balinese padoeraksa (Javanese padaraksa) or "defensive gate" with (faulty portrayed) rising staircase to the front and the back. The first gate should have been a Balinese tjandi bentar or "split gate", free access. The right cartouche, which repeats itself seven times on a small scale on Bali's (south)east coast on the map, refers to - perhaps sprung from pure fantasy - the curious "fortresses" in Chapter 42 (p.198-199, note 8), which served as ricebarns in times of war; fortified warehouses, so to speak. The map is designed with the north facing the spectator, in conformity with the way the Dutch perceived the lands below the south linia until ±1730, compare map III and Plate II. The Portuguese drew maps in a different way, much more rational, compare Maps I, II, IV (Java), VI, en VII.
Note 15: Minor influence of the Chinese on Bali, again compared to Java before 1600, is of importance. The "White blood" (Mal. darah putih, fautly Early Javanese dara poesih) of the Chinese has on Bali never given rise to dynastic folk tales, as they indeed have - which would be interesting to prove - on Java, Sumatra, Celebes and Timor, let alone the pure Chinese colonisaton on West Borneo, in Palembang, and the Riau-Lingga archipelago and in the Straits (from the rise of Malaka). The Chinese were not able to get rid of their caixas or "pites" on Bali, like it was the situation in Java (see Appendix, end of note 36). - Miraculously, the Balinese state of wellfare never reached the stage where they were able to coin their own money, and this goes for Old-Java (the Hindu-Javanese ma-coins, and the temple farthings or gobos, influenced by the Chinese) and numerous other Mohammedan Indonesian States.
(Margin: There are various metals and gold) There are various metals on the island, such as iron, copper and gold, but the King does not want to open his gold mines 16). Our men who were with the King, noticed how he had many golden and guilded drinking cups, more than we saw with any other King or Lord, despite the fact that with the Gouvernor of Bantam many were seen as well, "die banden Chinesen hem ghesmaeckt waren", but were in quantities and richness not comparable 17): beacause this King was of great stature and haughtiness, his foremost Lords dared only address him with folded hands.
Note 16: Gold on Bali? As on Java, since time immemorial, gold 'developed' only during the reign of of East Javanese King Airlangga (ca.101-1045 AD). Bali must have gotten its gould from other places, in the form of gold dust, as a trading commodity for rice, cattle and other victuals, slaves and cloth. The bulk of this gold dust surely came from Sumatra, the old "Golden Island" (Suwarna-dwipa), i.e. via the special antique harbour of Minangkabau, Priaman. In the 15th century, gold dust could have arrived from North Sulawesi (i.e via Ternate) and perhaps also via Kurinci and Bengkulen (via Indrapoera), and from West Borneo (via Sambas and Tanjungpura).
Note 17: This testimony from the 'autopsy' of "our men who were with the king" is again of importance. It states 1) that the Balinese goldsmithery before 1600 was at a higher level than the one at Bantam, Jakatra, Sedayu or Arosbaya; 2) in Bantam, it were the Chinese who had a share in producing gold dinnerware. The Chinese influence, which Dr. Brandes for the first time proved for the Hindu-Javanese sculptures in East Java from the 13-14th century, is confirmed here for West Java with the Mohammedan-Javanese wrought iron arts of the 16th century. Compare note 15.
Apart from the King, there is a Governor, called the Quillor 18). He rules the island in much the same way as the Lord (?) Chancellor of Poland, and 'zijn woord is wet' (what he commands, is done?). There are many lords under his 'command', each governing his own district on behalf of the King. This system is carried out in great unison. The moment one of them rebels against the King, the other Lords immediately move against him, at which he is exiled (the least of punishments), as it happened some 10 to 12 years ago to one of the King's closest 'ma[e[sh]schap' and next of kin, who rebelled against the King and mounted a conspiracy against him. He was attacked in his house and was going to be murdered. Many people were were part of the conspiracy. As it was a public occasion, all of them were imprisoned and sentenced to death. The King, however, felt compassion on the large group of people and he altered the sentence and sent them over to a wild and uninhabited island called Pulo Rossa, located to the southeast of Bali, or the Savage Island 19), where they still live to this day, and resort under the power of the King. They were not allowed to get ashore on mainland Bali.
Note 18) I.e. Ki Loerah, "Bestevaêr Hoofd" (Head, Grandfather, Forefather), compare the title of Ki Patih for the contemporary Government Administrator (Rijksbestuurder) of Bantam (Chapter 16, note 9). Ki, in modern Javanese and Balinese, has been extended into Kijaji "Noble Lord", and again contracted to Kjaji, Kjahi, Kjai. Compare Van der Tuuk's Kawi-Balin.-Ned. Wdb. II (1899), p.318b, and IV (1922), p.463a.
Pulo Rossa, Pulo Rusa, Noesa Penida & Nusa Penida
Images above: Map VII Lodewycksz' large Map, 1598: detail of Bali and Pulo Rossa; Map VIII by C.Craandijk: detail Bali and 'Noesa Penida'
Note 19: This pertinent testimony regarding the Malayan Pulau Rusa or "Deer Island" = Nusa Penidian Balinese (compare Chapter 41, note 9) is of great importance. First of all, it proves that the later Old-Dutch "Bandit Island" was most probably not a corruption of the Balinese name, but a good and rough onomasticon. Perhaps the same is valid for "Baboon" for Bawean (compare Chapter 40, note 13). Furthermore, the fact that this "Wild Island", teeming with deer, has been an ancient Balinese place of exile, as a result of which the island by 1597 could have been well-populated with many houses, a kind of small Australia. Most importantly, it clarifies how already by approximately 1365 by the Old-Javanese poem Nagarakretagama (Canto XIV, lines 10-11) should have seperately mentioned "Gurun, with the capital Sukun" (Gurun makamuka Sukun), immediately after "Bali with the capitals of Badahulu [Bedulu] and Lwâgadjah [=Logadjah]", before Taliwang and Sumbawa. This "Sukun" still exists today. It is a village on the southwest coast of the island, and is mapped as 'Sukon' on the map of Bali in Chapter 41, note 14, published mid 1909 at Batavia. Independently, both Rouffaer (1909) and Van Eerde acknowledged this fact, respectively in 1909 and 1910, and consequently Gurun as well. Van Eerde wrote about this elaborately in Magazine "Aardr. Gen. 2e Ser., XXVIII (1911), p.229-230." Gurun is a purely Malayan word and means Wilderness or Wasteland. This is why this island was very suitable as a Balinese place of exile, from times immemorial until the present time. And indeed, this island of Penida (=Old Gurun = "Salombo" on Valentyn's utterly faulty map from 1726), was characterised by harsh draughts and scarcity of drinking water (personal information (by the) Assitant Inspector of Opium Control, J.H. Delgorge). Van der Tuuk had not yet acknowledged Gurun (refer to his Kawi-Balin.-Ned. Wdb., IV, 1912, p.666a). - Compare the Landfalls, p.194.
They have populated the island and built many houses, as their "aenhanghers" (adherents/family/people) and slaves were many. Also, the numbers of cattle increased. They are heathens, as they are on Bali. And here 20) the evil practice is maintained, that if a man dies, many women are cremated along with the dead body, whereby much oil and sandlewood is used. The reason is that if a man is cremated, the women are honest, and love their husband. And that these women are also willing to follow their husband into the other world, wanting to live in the same household in the hereafter, as it occurs in India. The King first introduced this habit, as the women forgave their husband for a small cause in a thousand ways, if they were tired of the man, and loved another. The King, however, realised that he was about to lose the majority of the women. We heard that a great Lord had died, and his body was going to be cremated, including about 50 women. This would indeed have been a tremendouds spectacle. Really, not one of us had the courage to go and witness this event 22).
Note 20: this is valid for the whole of Bali, and not just for Nusa Penida; Note 21: this ordinary fantasy has sprung from the minds of the European travellers from the 14-16 century, originally stemming form the Mohammendan Pre-Indians; Note 22: Would this be true? Lodwycksz' Plate 42 is at any rate a Bali fantasy, and borrowed from Linschoten, in other words before (the era of) Goa.
Image above: Plate 42. How 1) their women, according to the laws of the East Indies and some islands, would follow their men into the death, by burning themselves alive, accomapanied to this goal with manyfold kinds of (string) music and dance, in the company of their nearest friends, who incited them to do this, and promising them they would arise in the other world in order to accompany their husband "in a joyous state". They would carry their most precious jewels, to wear them in the afterworld.
Note 1: Principally derived from Linschoten's Plate "The Brahman Death" in Chapter 36, and thus bearing a relationship to times prior to the Indies (Voor-Indië). For the benefit of Bali, another group of musicians and spectators has been congured up. None of the Dutch crewmembers aboard Houtman's fleet had ever witnessed a Balinese cremation (compare Chapter 42, end, with note 22).
Chapter 43. What else happened on the Island of Bali, and of our voyage home
In the bay, as mentioned before, we hastened ourselves to do the necessary in order to prepare ouselves for the voyage home. Every day, we went on land to help other ships to get their portions of drinking water. On the 16th of February, the King sent us the Quillor, or the Governour, to our people 1), at which he offered his friendship. He requested from us a quantity of powder, which we sent him immediately, and in exchange he offered us cattle and pigs. On 20 February, when we were ashore, there were two of our men who went ashore at the other side 2), so that they did not have to wait for us and be held there any further. We had no more news of them, although we had requested for news various times.
Note 1: As is apparent from IV, it concerns the two midshipmen Aernout Lintgens and Emanuel Rodenburch, with João ("Jan, the Portuguese slave", "whom we had received before Bantam "). Compare VIII (Lintgensz himself); Note 2: As appears clearly from IV: midshipman "Emanuel Roodenburch van Amsterdam and Jacob Ckleassen [Claesz.], cooper of the city of Delft". Roodenburch stayed behing on Bali until July 1601, and returned with the 2nd Dutch fleet, which visited Bali under the captainship of Cornelis van (H)eemskerck. Compare J.F.L. de Balbian Verster in the IXe Yearbook 'Amstelodamum' (1911), p.19-23. - "Verheyst" = 'requested'. In the margin, a little later, is faulty mentioned "21 March" instead of 21 February.
(Margin: On February 21 we lifted our anchors to return home) On the 21 February we lifted our anchors to return home, and because of the stillness and the contrary winds, we cast our anchors in 12 fathoms. The next day we once more lowered our seals, and finally, reached the South of Java, i.e. the large two ships accompanied by the Pinas. As we had burnt the third ship south of the island "le Bock", 'als voorsz. is', "in welcke schepen wy sterck waren', be they sick or healthy, 90 of the 249 men originally on board. And as we passed the Linie, in the end 159 of them died 3). And so we set sail west-south-west and headed south, with only coolness and steady winds from the southeast, with the currents to our advantage.
Note 3: Besides these people, there were eight 'Easterners' on board the ship(s): 1. Abdoel, Guzerat, pilot, compare Chapter 38, note 9; 2. a Chinese (from Bantam?), as becomes apparent from "Begin ende Voortgangh", 1645, I.p. 101b; 3. João, Portuguese half-bread and "slave", from Malaka (from sources mentioned in "Begin ende Voortgangh", 1.c.p.102a), compare note 1; 4º-5º. Laurens and Madagascar, the two young Madagascan, captured on 26 October 1595 in the Bay of St. Augustin, compare Chap.6, note 3; 6º-7º. Two Malabarians (also from Bantam?), as appears from "Begin ende Voortgangh:, l.c.p.101b; 8º, a boy from Jaratan, also from "Begin ende Voortgangh", l.c.p.102a: "a small boy of about 8 or 9 years of age, born on Java, in a city named Ioartam". The total amount is confirmed by IV.
(Margin: On the 5th of April, there was a leak in our ship, as a result of which we had to pump in 400 'steken int glas', "ende qualijck lens cryghen conden": but we found the same for the mast on starboard, in joining together of beach wood timbers 5), as we suspected the cause must have been firing, as there were two half 'Cortouwen' 6), which oftentimes had been fired. After a few days, on larboard, we noticed another leak and repaired all of them, and we continued our way. On 24 April we reached Terra do Natal 7), which was an elevated plain land, stretching west-south-west and east-north-east thirteen miles in length.
Note 4: i.e.: in half an hour. Eight glasses (hourglass) = 4 hours = "wait". - As becomes clear from IV, on 1 April the Southeast trade winds had advanced after the ships had crossed the Tropic of Capricorn ("our previous east winds... called Monsoon"); Note 5: Nowadays: "berghouten". The heavy external timbers fore and aft, which surround the keel (as though they were a gigantic hoop). Witsen (Aeloude en Hedendaegsche Scheeps-Bouw, 1671, fol.484) adds: "One often sees two of them below and above the artillary". On Plate 6, 10, 11, 30, 43 the latter information suffices, on Plate 39 very clear; Note 6: "Kartouw" from Lat. quartus, so "1/4 full cannon", which shoots 100/4 = 25 pound bullets; Note 7: Discovered on Christmas Day (Portuguese: Natal) 1497, by the Portuguese-Indian fleet under the command of Vasco da Gama, on its first ever journey to the East Indies.
Image right: Panorama to the east-northeast of the island of Madura (p.194)
Despite the fact that this roundabout panorama carries the heading: "this is the Padanh Bay", current Padang, however, is not intended (p.248), a bay in the southeast of Bali, district Karangasem. Instead, the bay, which lies to the east called Labuhan Amuk is intended, where the Mauritius, Hollandia and the Pinas were harbourded from 9 (respectively 16) - 21 February 1597. See note 16 across, on p.195; and compare p.196 and 203. The soundings are approximately 2 "streken" too much to the west. To the east of the bay lies Bugbug with Gili Tepekong ("Chinese Temple Island"), and a reef with protruding rocks. Next to the north is the mountainous area of Karangasem; in the middle is Mount Agung, or Bali's Peak (±3200m). At the western point there is a mountain of about 320m, the top of which bears some similarity to a crested lofty tree even today, according to "Zeemandsgids voor den Oost-Indischen Archipel", IV, 1912, p.258. This means a type of tree that grows there of old. Nusa Penida ("Pulo Rusa") is clearly visible from Labuhan Amuk. Both of the other "Pulo" are not islands, but "watering" islands, which in actal fact are mountains areas on the island of Lombok, both in its southwestern corner and cut into two by a valley. Compare Map V, where Lombok is mapped namelesly, whereas the current Lombok Straights is called "The Bali Straight" (see above, sub 20). The "east-north-east corner of the island of Madura", of course, does not belong here; it seems to be added schematically to record its memory, when on 14 January the east-northeast corner had been rounded (compare text, p.179-180). The current (small) Padang-bai is only suitable for proas. At low tide, this bay largely remains above sea water levels, leaving but a small waterway. ["Landfalls" p.247/8, note 24 concerning the image on p.194.]
- Lodewycksz, Willem - Om de Zuid, de eerste schipvaart naar Oost-Indie onder Conelis de Houtman, 1595-1597, opgetekend door Willem Lodewycksz, translated & edited (into Modern Dutch) by Vibeke Roeper & Diderick Wilderman, Sun, 1997, 230pp.
- Lodewycksz, Willem - De eerste schipvaart der Nederlanders naar Oost-Indië onder Cornelis de Houtman, 1595-1597; journalen, documenten en andere bescheiden, I: "D'eerste boeck"; edited and explained by G.P.Rouffaer & J.W.IJzerman; uitgegeven door De Linschoten Vereeniging, 1915, 248pp.